人殉的仪式始终存在记录的病例是在各国报道世界。Jorg Fisch说，在他的论文中，人类的牺牲是中国常用的。他跟随J.J.M. de Groot开拓中国宗教学者说，Confucius和他的追随者们反对，但是de Groot不同意，这是儒家的反对在中国的实践结束的（de Groot 1976：300-301，310，320）。历史报告说，普通的人有时会被大量吸引到一个皇帝的陵墓才被关起来被活埋（菲什2001:313）。但它不是普通人的大规模谋杀使殉礼的野蛮做法在中国历史上活了过来，而孩子的小妾被埋葬的第一位皇帝的帐户。后来，只有那些从下层阶级中被保留下来的皇帝的习俗，其次是寡妇的自杀。它被认为是一个忠实的反映形式，不仅对儒学性质的变化也出现在中国其他宗教传统。无论宗教反对党的做法仍然在地方一段时间。就像在印度一样，中国的宗教反对派未能说服人们，正念是不人道和不必要的。就像在印度一样，这是由于总人口持有强烈的信念，在死亡后的生活，并通过以下他们的丈夫的寡妇们履行他们的法，因此，它不能是错误的。使中国的寡妇自杀殉的原因包括深深的悲伤在爱人的死亡；预期的困难的生活作为一个寡妇，包括强迫再婚的威胁；，为印度正念的寡妇，荣誉，可能秘藏，甚至神化（Fisch 2001:311，316）。但在同一个信仰，作为女儿和儿媳与老年人的照顾，为父母的生命和身体的礼物的受益者，作为母亲的丈夫的继承人，在祖先崇拜Officiants，奠定佛教信徒，或作为女性不够强硬的荣誉终身贞洁的誓言，他们可能也选择过着体面的生活。他们可以这样做，而仍然相信在死亡后的生活，或在重复，而不是最后，判断他们的罪恶和美德，或他们可能相信，为自己的缘故和不朽的他们的名字。和印度一样，中国认为，每个人都有选择自己的命运和自由要么跟着死去或活着。也没有耻辱或耻辱附着。
The rituals of sati exist throughout the world in documented cases that were reported in various countries. Jorg Fisch reports, in his paper, that human sacrifice was practiced frequently in China. He follows the pioneering scholar of Chinese religion J.J.M. de Groot in saying that Confucius and his followers opposed it, however de Groot disagrees that it was Confucian opposition that ended the practice in China (de Groot 1976: 300-301, 310, 320). The history reports that sometimes great numbers of ordinary people were lured to the mausoleum of an emperor only to be locked up to be buried alive (Fisch 2001:313). But it is not the brutal practice of massive murders of ordinary people that makes the ritual of sati come alive in Chinese history but rather the account of childless concubines being buried with the first emperor. Later, the custom of following emperors in death which was reserved for only those from the lower class was followed by the suicide of widows. It was considered to be a form of faithfulness and a reflection of not only on the changing nature of Confucianism but also other religious traditions emerging in China. Regardless of the religious opposition the practice remained in place for a while. Just like in India, Chinese religious opposition failed to convince people that sati is inhumane and unnecessary. Just like in India, it was due to the fact that general population held strong beliefs in life after death and that by following their husbands the widows were fulfilling their dharma therefore it could not be wrong. The reasons that drove Chinese widows to commit sati included deep sorrow at the death of a beloved spouse; the anticipated difficulties of life as a widow, including the threat of forced remarriage; and, as for Indian sati widows, the possibility of honor, enshrinement, even deification (Fisch 2001:311, 316). But within the same faiths, as daughters and daughters-in-law with seniors to care for, as beneficiaries of their parents’ gift of life and body, as mothers to their husbands’ heirs, as officiants in the ancestral cult, as lay Buddhist devotees, or as women tough enough to honor life-long vows of chastity, they might also choose to live an honorable life. They could do so while still believing in a life after death, or in repeated, rather than final, judgment of their sins and virtues, or they might believe in honor for its own sake and the immortality of their name. Just like India, China held belief that everyone holds a choice over their own destiny and are free to either follow the dead or remain alive. There is no stigma or shame attached to either.