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LAW ASSIGNMENT 代写:Urban Policy And Planning

LAW ASSIGNMENT 代写:Urban Policy And Planning



第二个特征,可以从约翰逊等人。(2004)在美国的种族隔离的研究是一个假设,即在城市人口较多的种族隔离。这部分是由他们自己的研究,这表明,有一些减轻影响这一概念的影响因素。加利福尼亚的城市表现出较低的水平,每个民族的种族隔离。隔离不同族群之间的模型:“亚裔和西班牙裔,但不是黑人,种族隔离是更加种族多元化的都市人口”(约翰逊et al.,2004,p.567)。这意味着,作者提供了一个多维模型,根据每个城市的特殊情况的变化。它不解释种族隔离,但只是表明它有不同的原因,取决于上下文。这个概念并没有提供一种方法来建立类似的模式在其他城市,因为它是必要的上下文相关的。

LAW ASSIGNMENT 代写:Urban Policy And Planning

A good theory can be understood as one that allows sophisticated concepts to be captured in a few ideas (Pacione, 2008). There is a drawback of some theories that are simple, in that they can repeatedly be challenged by counter-examples. Some theories are therefore only as effective as the sum of its evidence, whereas others appear demonstrable across the board (Parker, 2004). If a theory becomes too specific, then it ceases to be an effective concept for understanding phenomena. Of course, theories are not necessarily disproven by a few counter-examples, and often theories are seductive because they provide useful starting points for understanding otherwise complex phenomena, seeing general features, and ultimately leading to further research (Pacione, 2008). A number of key concepts will be examined in this study and contrasted with the ideas of two ‘key thinkers’ in urban geography.

Johnson et al. (2004) present a conceptual framework that attempts to illustrate general features of ethnic segregation in the USA. This makes use of census data on ethnic segregation in the USA between 1980-2000. A concept that they reveal is that segregation stems from a disadvantage in the housing and labour markets, and therefore any increase in numbers results in an increase in segregation. This first concept can be undermined by an examination of the extent to which this model is dependent upon different methods of discrimination (Johnson et al., 2004). For example, the statement that as numbers of ethnic minorities increase so too does their segregation can be easily countered by pointing out that any increase in numbers naturally results in an increase in segregation. If more individuals from different ethnicities are living in one area, it is more likely it would be that different neighbourhoods comprise individuals of specific ethnicities (Pacione, 1999). Furthermore, if such individuals are disadvantaged in the labour market, then this would affect their earning ability, which would then likely result in their choosing specific low-rent areas in which to live. Therefore, direct discrimination can only account for part of the phenomena described (Parker, 2004). This is a positivist study and therefore is founded upon the fact that such phenomena can be observed through statistical study; however, this process is prone to re-interpretation of results.

A second feature that can be taken from Johnson et al.’s (2004) study of ethnic segregation in the USA is the hypothesis that segregation was larger in cities with more population. This is undermined in part by their own study, which demonstrates that there are a number of mitigating factors affecting this concept. Cities in California showed lower levels of segregation for each ethnic group. The model for segregation varied between ethnic groups: ‘for Asians and Hispanics, but not for Blacks, segregation was greater the more ethnically diverse the metropolitan population’ (Johnson et al., 2004, p.567). This means that the authors have provided a multidimensional model that changes according to the peculiar circumstances of each city. It does not explain segregation, but merely shows that it has different causes depending on context. This concept does not offer a way to establish similar patterns in other cities because it is necessarily context-dependent.